{"id":226,"date":"2026-05-17T13:33:35","date_gmt":"2026-05-17T16:33:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/crpnews.com\/asia\/?p=226"},"modified":"2026-05-17T13:33:36","modified_gmt":"2026-05-17T16:33:36","slug":"has-israel-crossed-the-threshold-of-annexation-in-the-west-bank","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/crpnews.com\/asia\/has-israel-crossed-the-threshold-of-annexation-in-the-west-bank\/","title":{"rendered":"Has Israel Crossed the Threshold of Annexation in the West Bank?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>Below, we republish an interview with the director of Yesh Din (a human rights organization working in the West Bank), published in <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/israel-west-bank-annexation-threshold\/\">&#8220;+972 Magazine&#8221;<\/a> \u2014 an independent magazine run by Palestinian and Israeli journalists \u2014 about the Israeli far-right&#8217;s plans to expand settlements and annex the territory. The far-right group, part of Benjamin Netanyahu&#8217;s governing coalition, details the state support settlers receive to attack the West Bank population amidst the ongoing genocide in Gaza. While we do not entirely agree with her opinions, we believe this interview will be of interest to our readers<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p class=\"has-text-align-center\">***<\/p>\n<p>Since the formation of Netanyahu\u2019s sixth government in 2022, Israel has steadily tightened its grip on the West Bank, largely outside the gaze of international media. But on Feb. 8, an avalanche of cabinet decisions prompted unusually direct coverage from media outlets not generally known for their diligent attention to the daily reality of occupation, including the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/articles\/cvg5x2l3v0qo\">BBC<\/a>, the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2026\/02\/09\/world\/middleeast\/israel-settlements-west-bank.html\">New York Times<\/a>, and the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.wsj.com\/world\/middle-east\/israel-assumes-broad-new-powers-in-the-west-bank-ad83aa5e\">Wall Street Journal<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Last week\u2019s package includes <a href=\"https:\/\/mailchi.mp\/32d50e70062a\/state-re-opens-investigation-into-2010-severe-injury-of-unarmed-civilian-demonstrator-8338021\">six measures<\/a> that the Israeli anti-occupation nonprofit Yesh Din warned will \u201cfundamentally alter the legal framework in the West Bank\u201d: from declassifying confidential land records and opening up land sales to Israelis and foreigners, to expanding Israeli \u201csupervision and enforcement activities\u201d into Area A \u2014 nominally under Palestinian civil and security control \u2014 as well as Area B.<\/p>\n<p>Before attention could drift again, the government took another dramatic step on Sunday by <a href=\"https:\/\/apnews.com\/article\/israel-west-bank-land-regulation-settlements-4fab1fbdf76b9db674c38a9ba18ff32e\">approving a proposal<\/a> to reopen land registration procedures in the West Bank for the first time since 1967, which will <a href=\"https:\/\/mailchi.mp\/aee159f79acc\/state-re-opens-investigation-into-2010-severe-injury-of-unarmed-civilian-demonstrator-8338114\">allow the state<\/a> to register large swaths of territory as \u201cstate land.\u201d A day later, it also decided to <a href=\"https:\/\/www.timesofisrael.com\/new-settlement-to-expand-jerusalem-for-first-time-since-1967\/\">expand Jerusalem\u2019s municipal borders<\/a> by establishing a new settlement. Reacting to the land registry decision, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich declared, \u201cFor the first time since the Six Day War, we are restoring order and governance in the management of land in Judea and Samaria.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Though U.S. President Donald Trump <a href=\"https:\/\/www.axios.com\/2026\/02\/10\/trump-israel-annex-west-bank-opposes-netanyahu\">reiterated his opposition<\/a> to formal annexation last Monday, neither he nor other U.S. officials publicly pressed Netanyahu on the latest decisions. And while the EU and Arab countries responded swiftly with familiar expressions of concern, they lacked a clear answer to the implicit question posed by Israel\u2019s provocative moves: <em>Will you do anything to stop this?<\/em><\/p>\n<p>To make sense of what may prove a consequential fortnight in the long arc of annexation, +972 spoke with Ziv Stahl, executive director of Yesh Din. We discussed the significance of these latest measures, why a formal declaration of annexation seems unlikely, the prospect of a West Bank real estate boom, and what, if anything, could be reversed under a different Israeli government.<\/p>\n<p>The interview has been edited for length and clarity.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Can you walk us through the new cabinet decisions and their significance?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I\u2019d like to start by talking about the context. We are talking about a government that from the very first day <a href=\"https:\/\/www.alhaq.org\/monitoring-documentation\/26151.html#_ftn3\">declared<\/a> that one of its main goals is to apply Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank and to expand settlements. I think a lot of Israelis, and people generally, miss the fact that <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/judiciary-annexation-levin-zionism\/\">this is part of the judicial overhaul<\/a>: Once the government removes all watchdogs \u2014 critics, legal advisors and so on \u2014 it makes it much easier to annex the West Bank.<\/p>\n<p>It would be a mistake to look at these [most recent decisions] one by one, because the importance is the critical mass of steps that are being taken, and the change in the legal framework of how Israel controls the West Bank. But the two out of these six security cabinet decisions that are most critical are the declassification of the land registry in the occupied territory and the cancellation of the Jordanian law prohibiting the sale of land to Israelis or foreigners. These are two steps that are designed to make it easier for settlers and the state to purchase land, and make it harder for Palestinians to maintain their rights to their lands or to acquire the formal rights to land. I think these two measures go together.<\/p>\n<p>Then you have the extension of Israeli law enforcement to areas A and B. We all know that there have been many breaches by Israel of the Oslo Agreement \u2014 that Israel enters Area A as it pleases and conducts military operations there. But still, this is basically Israel reempowering itself to have authority that it doesn\u2019t have, officially at least, in those areas.<\/p>\n<p>Legally speaking, I don\u2019t know if we can still call it occupation. I think we have been shifting to a reality of annexation: It\u2019s hard to determine where exactly the pivotal moment was, but the physical situation on the ground in the West Bank has completely changed in these three years of this government.<\/p>\n<p>Trump said there will be no Israeli sovereignty in the West Bank. But knowing that he is not really a man of details, Israel\u2019s government is wise enough not to declare openly that this is annexation. But Smotrich, after the announcement of the cabinet division, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.middleeasteye.net\/news\/israel-new-west-bank-measures-accelerate-annexation-end-oslo-accords\">said<\/a> he would \u201ccontinue to kill the idea of a Palestinian state.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Creeping annexation has been underway for decades, but under this government, it really accelerated. I think we\u2019ve reached a kind of critical mass where we can say plainly that this is annexation. It isn\u2019t complete. And I\u2019m not sure if it\u2019s irreversible \u2014 few things are \u2014 but the deeper it goes, the harder it becomes to undo.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong>In 2024, the International Court of Justice <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.ejiltalk.org\/the-prohibition-of-annexations-and-icjs-advisory-opinion-on-the-occupied-palestinian-territory\/#:~:text=Para%20158)%20With%20this%20definition,an%20unlawful%20use%20of%20force.\"><strong>essentially said<\/strong><\/a><strong> that the distinction between de facto and de jure annexation is a distraction \u2014 what matters is the intention to apply sovereignty. Does the distinction between whether Israel has annexed the West Bank legally (de jure) or just de facto matter anymore in your opinion?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I stopped differentiating between de jure and de facto annexation, because I think it\u2019s one thing \u2014 annexation. What we see on the ground is a joint process. Legal changes and facts on the ground are working toward the same outcome.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>And for the people who are being annexed, they don\u2019t care so much if it\u2019s done through legal and structural changes [like we see in the recent decisions] or by [Israel] building a lot of settlements and outposts and [settlers] harassing them every day. The reality is that we are seeing a more oppressive system, a narrowing of rights, and deepening violations of international law.<\/p>\n<p>In a sense, our job at Yesh Din has actually become easier. In the past, when we tried to show that Israel was taking steps toward annexation, it sounded a bit like a theory \u2014 not a conspiracy, but still something we had to infer. Now the government says this is their intention in their coalition agreements, and they have been repeating it ever since.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Yesh Din <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/mailchi.mp\/32d50e70062a\/state-re-opens-investigation-into-2010-severe-injury-of-unarmed-civilian-demonstrator-8338021\"><strong>noted<\/strong><\/a><strong> that measures like declassifying the land registry can appear benign if not beneficial, as it promotes transparency. Can you explain why the government is taking this step and using this narrative to justify it?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>When you read the government\u2019s language around the decision to declassify the West Bank land registry, they talk about <a href=\"https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/israeli-cabinet-approves-west-bank-land-registration-palestinians-condemn-de-2026-02-15\/\">\u201ctransparency\u201d<\/a> and making everything public. And as for canceling the Jordanian law [that prohibited the sale of West Bank land, except to Palestinian residents], they claim it\u2019s in the interest of \u201cequality.\u201d But this is ridiculous, because in the context of occupation, we know who these measures will serve.<\/p>\n<p>Now, it\u2019s not like the settlers don\u2019t already have good ties with the Civil Administration [the bureaucratic arm of Israel\u2019s occupation]. But still, the classification of the registry has made things a bit harder for them. Once it\u2019s out in the open, it can be really problematic for Palestinians. Making this information public can expose Palestinians to privacy violations, harassment, or intimidation. Personal ownership data could be used to extort or otherwise threaten property owners whose names appear in the registry.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s also a big opportunity for forgery of land acquisitions in the West Bank, something we\u2019ve seen before. For example, there were <a href=\"https:\/\/www.yesh-din.org\/en\/liars-damn-liars-and-al-watan-part-two\/\">forgeries of land purchases in Amona<\/a>, showing that settlers had bought land from Palestinians, but it turned out that the Palestinians were either dead or not in a position to sell.<\/p>\n<p><strong>The government just approved a <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.middleeastmonitor.com\/20260215-israeli-government-approves-proposal-to-register-west-bank-lands-as-state-property-for-1st-time-since-1967\/\"><strong>proposal to register<\/strong><\/a><strong> large areas of the West Bank as \u201cstate property,\u201d for the first time since 1967. How do you view this move in the context of the six measures announced last week?\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Like many things related to the West Bank and the Israeli occupation, especially land issues, this may sound bureaucratic, complicated, and even boring. But it\u2019s a game changer.<\/p>\n<p>Close to a year ago, the cabinet decided to <a href=\"https:\/\/peacenow.org.il\/en\/cabinet-decision-land-registration\">renew land registration<\/a> in the West Bank, the system that allows land to be officially registered as private property or state land. Before 1967, the Jordanians ran a land registration process in the West Bank that allowed people who had cultivated land for many years to register it in their names.<\/p>\n<p>After the occupation began, Israel froze this process, and rightly so. One central reason is that land registration is permanent \u2014 it creates irreversible, long-term changes, which are not allowed under international law in a situation of occupation, which is supposed to be temporary.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>There were additional reasons as well: Many Palestinian landowners were absentees and thus unable to register their land, and the existing records held by the Civil Administration are very partial and incomplete. So that can lead to registries that are seriously inaccurate and the denial of legitimate property rights. And we\u2019re talking about a huge amount of land \u2014 around 60 percent of Area C is not registered.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>For years, settler organizations have lobbied to lift the freeze and to renew land registration. That alone is telling: If the settler movement lobbies for something, you can safely assume it will benefit them. There had already been a lot of progress toward reversing the ban under previous governments, but this latest cabinet decision made it unmistakably clear that this is where we\u2019re going, and the implementation can now move forward quickly.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>If registration is renewed now, it will be done under Israeli control. Palestinians will not have representation in the decisive bodies, and based on everything we know about Israeli land policy, the process will systematically favor settlements over Palestinians. If you look at land allocation historically, <a href=\"https:\/\/www.middleeastmonitor.com\/20180719-palestinians-given-just-0-25-of-israeli-allocated-state-land-in-occupied-west-bank\/\">less than 1<\/a> percent of land allocated by Israel has gone to Palestinians, while vast areas have been allocated to settlements. What Israel calls \u201cstate land\u201d is, in practice, treated as settlement land. So there is no reason to assume that private land registration will be handled differently.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.ynet.co.il\/news\/article\/ryqrmiswzg#autoplay?utm_source=https:\/\/www.ynet.co.il&amp;utm_medium=social&amp;utm_campaign=general_share\"><strong>Ynet reported<\/strong><\/a><strong> that Israel\u2019s defense establishment supported nearly all of the cabinet\u2019s West Bank measures, with the lone exception being a recommendation to delay the transfer of building and planning authorities in Hebron (including the Cave of the Patriarchs\/Ibrahimi Mosque) until after Ramadan \u2014 not opposition in principle.\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Have you seen any meaningful pushback from Israel\u2019s political echelon, legal institutions, the security establishment, or the attorney general?&nbsp;<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I think in the past there was much more pushback on these issues from the army and the military command. But that isn\u2019t the case anymore.<\/p>\n<p>Today, the military commander in the West Bank [Maj. Gen. Avi Bluth, who heads the Central Command], in my view, is very pro-annexation. Or at least, he\u2019s not doing anything to stop it. Even if there are officers who think some of these steps might \u201crock the boat,\u201d those are not the dominant voices.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>The broader context is important. We now have Smotrich <a href=\"https:\/\/www.adalah.org\/en\/content\/view\/11096\">inside the Defense Ministry<\/a>, and [Defense Minister Israel] Katz leading this push, alongside lawmakers like [Settlement and National Missions Minister Orit] Strock. They understand that the window of opportunity may be shrinking. They don\u2019t know what will happen after the elections, so they need to move fast.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Unlike many other ministers and political figures in Israel, these people actually have an ideology. This isn\u2019t only populism. Controlling the West Bank \u2014 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aa.com.tr\/en\/americas\/israeli-minister-attacks-trump-s-board-of-peace-calls-for-occupying-gaza\/3810449\">and Gaza<\/a> \u2014 is at the core of their worldview. They are trying to create as many irreversible steps as possible. Smotrich calls it \u201cchanging the system\u2019s DNA,\u201d and he\u2019s right.<\/p>\n<p>You can link this back to Smotrich\u2019s <a href=\"https:\/\/hashiloach.org.il\/israels-decisive-plan\/\">\u201cDecisive Plan\u201d<\/a> from 2017 and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.timesofisrael.com\/smotrich-proposes-annexing-82-of-west-bank-in-bid-to-prevent-palestinian-state\/\">the map<\/a> he presented a few months ago, [where Israel would] annex 82 percent of the West Bank \u2014 leaving Palestinian population centers as disconnected islands without access to agricultural land that many families rely on for their livelihood.<\/p>\n<p><strong>How do you foresee this playing out with the Supreme Court? Do you think the recent cabinet decisions are an attempt to bypass the court\u2019s 2020 decision to <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.adalah.org\/en\/content\/view\/10024\"><strong>strike down<\/strong><\/a><strong> the 2017 Regularization Law, which allowed Israel to expropriate private Palestinian lands in the West Bank for settlements?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Some of these decisions \u2014 and the one regarding land registry \u2014 are essentially meant to bypass the court\u2019s decision to strike down the Regularization Law. Others are more like evolved versions of the law.<\/p>\n<p>As for the courts, I don\u2019t know. A few months ago, Yesh Din \u2014 together with fellow Israeli civil society organizations ACRI, Bimkom, and HaMoked \u2014 <a href=\"https:\/\/www.yesh-din.org\/en\/hcj-petition-revoke-the-renewal-of-settlement-of-title-proceedings-in-the-west-bank\/\">filed a petition<\/a> challenging the renewal of the land registry because of the reasons I mentioned earlier. We argued that this is a dramatic annexation measure.<\/p>\n<p>Two weeks ago, the court rejected the petition, claiming it was premature. Basically what the ruling said is that a cabinet decision alone is not yet a practical step, and that no individual rights have been violated so far. So in other words, they told us, \u201cCome back once the policy has been implemented and people are already suffering from it.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>So that you understand the frustrating context, in 2024 we filed <a href=\"https:\/\/www.yesh-din.org\/en\/hcj-petition-repeal-the-transfer-of-powers-from-the-head-of-the-civil-administration-to-his-deputy-which-means-the-annexation-of-the-west-bank\/\">another petition<\/a> challenging the transfer of powers from the military to civilian officials under Smotrich. That petition was also rejected. One judge said that after two or three years since the transfer of power was made, \u201cThe horses have already left the barn.\u201d So on the one hand we\u2019re told it\u2019s too early; on the other, we\u2019re told it\u2019s too late.<\/p>\n<p>As we learned from the latest ruling, we can\u2019t really go to court immediately after a cabinet decision. Basically, we need to wait for implementation \u2014 for example, orders by the military commander, or for the moment when they actually begin operating the registry. Each step will have to be challenged separately.<\/p>\n<p>If you look at decades of rulings since 1967, the courts have generally approved \u2014 or avoided deciding against \u2014 almost any policy the Israeli government wanted to implement in the West Bank. So I don\u2019t have high expectations.<\/p>\n<p>That said, the courts can still be a useful tool to delay some steps, and maybe to make some measures less harmful. And in individual cases, you can sometimes win and protect someone\u2019s rights, which matters. But you can\u2019t represent every Palestinian in court. So overall, I\u2019m not very optimistic.<\/p>\n<p>We don\u2019t have anyone in government who will oppose these measures. Some opposition members understand what\u2019s happening, but they\u2019re powerless to oppose it. But still, some steps can be reversed \u2014 if the next government decides it wants to reverse them.<\/p>\n<p>The land registry, for example, is permanent, but they won\u2019t be able to register all the unregistered land before the elections. They need to set up the bodies and institutions. They have to publicize the process, allow people to submit claims, check aerial photos and documents, determine whether land was cultivated and by whom. It\u2019s not a one-day process, and in theory, the next government could freeze it again.<\/p>\n<p>A lot of the steps they\u2019re taking are reversible, but you would need a coalition willing to roll back annexation measures and move toward a political solution \u2014 dismantling the occupation in favor of a future that\u2019s secure and respects human rights for everyone.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Declassifying the land registry and allowing Palestinians to sell land directly to Israelis is also linked to this idea of privatized annexation. We know most settlers aren\u2019t expressly ideological: Many are secular, middle-class Israelis who want cheaper housing, a yard, a view, cheaper groceries\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Education is cheaper. There are tax benefits. There\u2019s lots of reasons.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Right \u2014 it can be a very comfortable existence. So if Israel has \u201cthrown open the doors to the Judean and Samarian real estate markets,\u201d as right-wing Israeli journalist <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/newsletter.amitsegal.net\/p\/its-noon-in-israel-the-march-towards?triedRedirect=true\"><strong>Amit Segal<\/strong><\/a><strong> wrote, how do you see this reshaping the settlement project, including participation by \u201cordinary Israelis\u201d who are not messianic or ultranationalist? What do you expect happens next if this privatized land market expands?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Smotrich <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/settlements-roads-infrastructure-smotrich\/\">talks about doubling the settler population<\/a>, from about half a million to a million in five years. And many of the plans this government is pushing are designed to attract people to the West Bank \u2014 improving roads, making commuting easier, improving cellular reception, and other reforms meant to raise quality of life.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>On the ground, <a href=\"https:\/\/x.com\/shaulari\/status\/2020069142397669843\">I don\u2019t think we\u2019re seeing that kind of growth<\/a>. Settlers take up a lot of space in Israeli public discourse, and they\u2019ve moved closer to the consensus in government and the Knesset. But that doesn\u2019t necessarily reflect where the public is, which I think is mostly indifferent. The main migration we see is Haredi communities moving for cheap housing which is, as you said, financial, not ideological.<\/p>\n<p>What we see more of is <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/podcast-oren-ziv-west-bank-settlers\/\">increased violence<\/a> from settlers, which is strongly criticized by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/article\/2024\/aug\/23\/israeli-security-chief-ronen-bar-hilltop-youth-west-bank\">center<\/a> and even <a href=\"https:\/\/www.aa.com.tr\/en\/middle-east\/illegal-israeli-settler-violence-constitutes-dangerous-violation-says-opposition-leader\/3190054\">center-right<\/a> figures within Israeli society, and more land dispossession through <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/jordan-valley-khirbet-samra-settler-violence\/\">farming outposts.<\/a> This form of settlement doesn\u2019t require many people \u2014 just one or two families, maybe some volunteers, is enough to take over huge areas by force.<\/p>\n<p><strong>So could these measures still be consequential by facilitating land acquisition and development?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Yes. I\u2019m just not sure it will significantly enlarge the population of Israelis willing to live there. Settlers may own more land privately if the registry opens. And the land acquisition through purchases will expand. But it doesn\u2019t necessarily mean there will be more Israelis living there.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Speaking of farming outposts, how should we understand the recent cabinet decisions in the context of surging settler violence? Are they separate phenomena, or do the former enable the latter?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I think they work together \u2014 like two hands. You have the hand of the government pushing structural and legal changes and removing obstacles to take over land. And then you have what\u2019s happening on the ground: taking land by force. And there is no real law enforcement against settler violence. Ninety-four percent of cases are <a href=\"https:\/\/www.yesh-din.org\/en\/data-sheet-law-enforcement-on-israeli-civilians-in-the-west-bank-settler-violence-2005-2024\/\">closed without charges<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>Then there\u2019s the material support from the government. [Settlers] receive gear: night-vision equipment, off-road vehicles, and what they call \u201cdefense packages,\u201d including weapons distributed by [Itamar] Ben Gvir\u2019s National Security Ministry. We see the military providing protection to settlers, accompanying them while they attack Palestinians and <a href=\"https:\/\/www.972mag.com\/settler-impunity-west-bank-annexation\/\">doing nothing<\/a> to stop it. And that\u2019s in the best-case scenario.<\/p>\n<p><strong>You alluded earlier to Oslo, and how many of these decisions undermine or cancel key parts of the agreement \u2014 including the <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.palquest.org\/en\/historictext\/9692\/protocol-concerning-redeployment-hebron\"><strong>Hebron Protocol<\/strong><\/a><strong>. Where does Oslo stand now?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>I\u2019m not an expert on Oslo, but I\u2019ll say a few things. First, the division [of the West Bank] into Areas A, B, and C was an interim agreement. It wasn\u2019t designed to last for 30 years.<\/p>\n<p>And for many Israelis \u2014 especially in government, but also more broadly \u2014 Area C is now treated as part of Israel, or a future \u201cLand of Israel.\u201d But under Oslo, Area C was supposed to remain under Israeli control temporarily until a final agreement, where it would become part of a Palestinian state.<\/p>\n<p>So in that sense, what we\u2019ve seen is a long regression from what was agreed in Oslo. It\u2019s not new, but every step makes it harder to return to any meaningful framework where Oslo could be implemented.<\/p>\n<p>Legally speaking, Oslo still holds. There\u2019s security coordination between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli military, and in other aspects too. But that\u2019s basically it. Politically, Smotrich is very explicit: He wants to kill not only Oslo, but the very notion that there could ever be a Palestinian state.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Do you expect a formal declaration of annexation, given how openly the government expresses its intentions?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>No. They\u2019d love to, but Trump was very clear, so unless he changes his mind, I don\u2019t see a formal declaration happening. But they don\u2019t need one. They\u2019re doing it through facts on the ground.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Maybe in the future they\u2019ll officially apply Israeli law. For now, they maintain an appearance. Take the cabinet decisions: They didn\u2019t specify implementation, but my guess \u2014 and I think it\u2019s a safe bet \u2014 is [that it will happen] through military orders, which preserves the appearance of a military occupation. If the territory were formally annexed, there would be no need for military law.<\/p>\n<p><strong>So if the military carries out the decision, it creates plausible deniability?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Exactly. If you look at the laws of occupation under international law, they were designed around the idea of trusteeship. The occupier is supposed to maintain the territory temporarily until it can be returned through a peaceful agreement. The temporary sovereign is supposed to consider the benefit of the land and its people, and avoid long-term changes.<\/p>\n<p>Everything Israel is doing violates that, especially when the government makes decisions and then orders the military commander to legislate in a way that serves Israeli civilians, not Palestinians.<\/p>\n<p><strong>On Tuesday, <\/strong><a href=\"https:\/\/www.haaretz.com\/israel-news\/israel-politics\/2026-02-17\/ty-article\/.premium\/smotrich-next-israeli-govt-should-encourage-migration-of-palestinians-from-west-bank\/0000019c-6d8c-d631-a3de-7d8c4d2a0000\"><strong>Smotrich said<\/strong><\/a><strong> the next Israeli government should \u201cencourage the migration\u201d of Palestinians from the West Bank. How does this statement fit into the settler right\u2019s broader agenda? And do you see Trump intervening in any meaningful way, for example in connection to the Abraham Accords?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>It\u2019s very hard to predict what Trump will do. I think the Abraham Accords are relevant, but also the future of Gaza. These issues are connected now. If Trump wants Arab countries \u2014 who oppose annexation \u2014 to move forward with normalization and rebuilding Gaza, he might be more active.<\/p>\n<p>But since these [latest] government decisions are too bureaucratic, I doubt Trump views them as annexation. Unless there\u2019s a formal declaration, something very explicit, I don\u2019t see him acting.<\/p>\n<p>As for Smotrich, he is a Jewish supremacist \u2014 a dangerous man who is determined to turn Israel into a fully fledged apartheid state, regardless of the implications for Israelis, Palestinians, or the wider region. But a lot depends on the [Israeli] elections. Smotrich, Ben Gvir, and Strock are getting everything they want right now, and if that changes, it would already be an improvement.<\/p>\n<p>I hope at least we\u2019ll get a government that is less aggressive, where the settler lobby has less influence. We\u2019ve never had a government that truly opposed taking over Palestinian land or prioritized Palestinian rights. But we\u2019ve learned there\u2019s bad \u2014 and then there\u2019s much worse.&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Six \u2018game-changing\u2019 recent cabinet decisions may push the occupation past a tipping point toward permanent Israeli rule, says Yesh Din director Ziv Stahl.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":8,"featured_media":227,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"crp_sub_category":"Palestine","crp_read_time":"","crp_featured":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[4,62],"tags":[29,28],"coauthors":[68],"class_list":["post-226","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-international","category-palestine","tag-imperialism","tag-palestine"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.7 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Has Israel Crossed the Threshold of Annexation in the West Bank? 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